Saturday, January 25, 2020

Is Free Trade Possible?

Is Free Trade Possible? Tom Hobson ‘Free trade is neither possible nor desirable.’ Do you agree with this Statement? Roger Scruton makes the claim free trade is neither possible nor desirable in A Political Philosophy and takes a conservative political viewpoint in defence of national sovereignty (2006). Taking the statement within the realm of international political economy it draws in the debate of the role of the World Trade Organisation (WTO) in advancing free trade as its aim, the economic debate between those who advocate free trade from Adam Smith and David Ricardo and their modern advocates and those who oppose it including Joseph Stiglitz and an analysis of the power relations that entail in free trade negotiations as well as the consequences answering first whether it is possible and secondly its degree of desirability. Free trade in a majority of production areas and scenarios is possible but its desirability is the key debate, the domestic consequences for both developing and developed states can distort national economies in a globalised world. It is a complex issue that is largely ap proached through the WTO. Free trade has an impact on developmentalism for industrialising countries and is connected to hegemonic theories of world governance to uphold the system. Free trade is a possible concept for a globalised world but it is largely undesirable when considering the human impact of market forces. Krasner argues that a hegemon is required for a global system of free trade to be viable, the essential principle is that the distribution of power amongst states dictates the international economic system. He highlighted the role of Britain during the 19th century and the US post World War One and marked the decline in power of the US up to the 1970s being the precursor to the end of a liberal international free trade system. According to Krasner only an open hegemon has the sufficient power to provide the public goods and any other system is inherently unstable (Krasner Webb, 1989, pp.183-184). But in the contemporary international political economy with the rise of China economically and militarily alongside the supremacy of the US there are infact increases to the global liberalisation movement (Chestnut Johnston, 2009, pp.252-253). Hegemonic stability theory has a place in contemporary international political economy but it is not overriding. The realist hegemonic stability theory is very rigid for a free trade international system and empirical evidence shows it is true that a hegemon can meet the public goods cost without jeopardising its own state security it isn’t necessarily the only situation where free trade stemming from state power can flourish as we can see with the rising bipolar international system including China. Krasner’s theory concentrates on the Cold War era and how far the US was willing to open world trade at its own expense in order to have an advantage over the Soviet Union in absolute power (Krasner Webb, 1989, p.196). The state power relationship that Krasner offers for open trade in the global system is very convincing in terms of state security and his realist perspective of the international political economy is as a part of international relations rather than separate. It shows that contrary to Scruton’s statement that free trade is possible within a system whereby public goods are met by a state or states are able to meet the demand without risk to their own security. But a more technical approach taken by Richard Baldwin on regionalism and its problems show that international trade is inhibited by the numerous regional rules and argues that a multilateralisation of the existing systems will be required for a truly global free trade system (Baldwin, 2006, p.1451). Two of the issues he analyses are the current asymmetric negotiations whereby nations and interest groups seek to minimise losses rather than maximise gains and race to the bottom tax competition unilateral negotiations as an alternative to regionalism and mulitlateralism which leads to fragmentation in the supply chain (Ibid, 2006, pp.1469-1471). A good example of asymmetric negotiations can be seen between the US and China on tyres in 2009. The Interest groups of labour including United Steel and Allied Industrial and Service Workers International Union pushed US negotiations to introduce tariffs on Chinese imports of tyres on the premise of saving US jobs and manufacturing (i.e. minim ising losses). The result of US imposition of tariffs argued by Ilkensen is a cost to the consumer of $600-700 million annually which results in a cost of $300,000 annually per job saved (Ilkensen, 2009). This follows Baldwin’s argument that unilateral and asymmetric trade negotiations lead to strength in interest groups and poor outcomes. It is also an example of Barry Eichengreen’s perspective on the role interest groups have on limiting policy of free trade with reference to the Smoot-Hawley tariffs of the 1930s, the movement towards protectionism by domestic pressure groups (Eichengreen, 2003, p.59). the strength of institutions beyond the state in affecting the outcomes of trade negotiations are able to prevent the posibility of free trade in the international political economy as this example and Eichengreen highlight. Further to this the position of Richard Baldwin on the strength of regionalism in forcing such action as well as inhibiting the prospect of global international free trade by having a multitude of incompatible rules and aims. The possibility of free trade is disputed; the broad theory of Krasner would indicate that it is possible but the specifics of unilateral trade and regionalism show the limits of global free trade. Turning to whether free trade is desirable concentrates on the WTO and the effects of free trade. The comparative advantage of Smith and Ricardo according to Ilkensen applies in the supply chain of the globalised modern political economy because it is how countries ascend or descend the chain, liberalisation of trade restrictions allows producers to serve the global supply chain in specific areas of comparative advantage. He uses the example of the Ipod with highly skilled engineers in Californa and low wage manual workers in China maintain low costs so that consumer prices are not high and members of the labour force can be freed to work in other sectors (Ilkensen,2009, pp.10-15). His argument rejects the idea of international trade being a zero sum game that is assumed by the critics of free trade, his emphasis is on productivity to create growth. The central argument is that all consumers benefit from free trade and the emphasis of the entire argument should shift from producers to consumers (Ibid 2009 pp.10-15). Ilkensen’s analysis of a global supply chain also rejects the premise of a global north/south divide and he argues that there is not national competition but global cooperation (Ibid, p.4). Similarly, the mutual reduction of tariffs ends the prisoner’s dilemma that ends in a Nash equilibrium that satisfies neither party and as argued by Subramanian the developed nations in the WTO system have reduced their tariffs the most while allowing the rest to maintain protection of 2/3 of their imports (2007, pp. 152-154). Ilkensen’s argument ignores many aspects of international political economy and purely concentrates on the economics of the process of free trade. The rejection of the orthodoxy on primacy of producers over consumers is a very market based approach that concludes it is positive for all involved and a desirable outcome of trade negotiations particularly when you highlight that developed nations are seen to give greater concessions. The WTO is an advanced and technical, monitoring and compliance mechanism for managing trade relations where tackling asymmetric power is the key to its existence where every member is given equal standing and access to the Dispute Settlement Understanding (Lanoszka, 2009, pp 47-51). Contrasting the view of Ilkensen are the criticisms placed against the WTO. Sarah Joseph highlights the dependency theory of Singer-Prebisch where free trade deepens the international division of labour that does not work in long term development because it entrenches positions of nations within the core industrialised west, the semi-periphery and periphery of developing nations (2013, p.8). This marxist interpretation of the international political economic system emphasises the asymmetric trade negotiations forced upon developing nations by the WTO to ensure the west’s supremacy in terms of international relations and economics. She argues that with it being in the developed world’s inter est to ensure a lack of diversity in the economies of the developing nations to create an underclass of labour that relies on manufactured imports and foreign direct investment (Ibid, p.9). She accuses the WTO of serving goods and services of big business rather than individuals; in particular that of the Trade-Related Aspects of Intellectual Property Rights (TRIPS) for creating worldwide patents on drugs which therefore prevents their mas use across developing nations to tackle health issues (Ibid, pp. 285-287). Joseph’s critical analysis of the effect of the WTO in pushing for free trade highlights the dominance of the west in maintaining the status quo and not creating the development it promises. In this the problems of free trade show that it is not universally desirable as an economic system. Similarly Joseph Stiglitz attacks the system of free trade for preventing development in the poorest nations by forcing them to state infrastructure and industry. Stiglitz agrees with Scruton’s argument that liberalisation and international economics need to be sensitive to national economies in order to ensure growth and progress; he argues that free trade is about efficiency nations rather than growth, comparative advantage assumes full employment, stability in developing countries’ and uses the example of Southeast Asia where high investment in physical and human activity acted as catalysts for growth (Stiglitz Charlton, 2007, p. 15-25). For developing countries protection of infant industries is more often than not optimal because foreign investment is dependent on selling at a loss until productivity rises which will not happen and in terms of state building the easiest form of revenue is import tariffs and the priorities of a developing economy are not in efficie ncy but growth (Ibid, 2007, pp.32-29). The argument of Stiglitz takes a different perspective on the aims of developing nations from efficiency to growth in their own context; developing nations have very different needs to those that are developed in terms of human development. He highlights the fact that free trade only benefits developed nations that force liberalisation on other nations through the WTO (Ibid, 2007). A further argument against free trade can be found in the environmental lobby that sees potentially global economic expansion as ‘inimical to the goal of preserving a clean, healthy, and sustainable global commons’ (Grossman Krueger, 1991, p.2). The analysis of the report by Grossman and Krueger was specifically regarding the NAFTA trade agreement and the environmental impact on Mexico. Specifically it highlights the problem with Mexico being a relatively poorly developed nation that should industrialisation occur due to liberalisation then pollution will grow under an undeveloped regulatory framework (Ibid, pp.3-4). But the Kuznets curve refutes the basic assumption of the report that economic growth leads to exponential environmental degradation by concluding that the greater the GDP per capita the lower the overall pollution in the long term (Stern, et al., 1996, p.1159). Free trade has initial environmental degradation but the long term forecasts of the Kuznets curv e negate the argument against free trade as a desirable system of international economics. The possibility of free trade is a debated topic and though the technical approach of Baldwin argues that global free trade isn’t a possibility with the complexities of regionalism the overarching argument of Krasner that a hegemon, or as argued more recently a number of nations, providing public goods to fulfill the global demand without incurring too great a cost is a convincing argument in the contemporary international political economy that free trade is possible. But the key debate is whether free trade is desirable in a global context. Taking international economics as a global supply chain then Ilkensen’s argument that the comparative advantage of each country placed within this chain then free trade is necessary to lead to the most efficient forms of growth and all benefit. But the arguments of Stiglitz, Charlton and Joseph emphasis the underlying principle that global trade is a zero-sum system that embeds the current and historical inequalities between the gl obal north and south. To conclude on whether free trade is desirable is dependent on whether the aim is growth or effieciency; growth that it is unfair to developing nations, efficiency that it benefits all. It is too complex a subject to conclude either way in this essay whether it is desirable. Bibliography Baldwin, R., 2006. Multilateralising Regionalism: Spaghetti Bowls as Building Blocs on the Path to Global Free Trade. The World Economy, 29(11), pp. 1451-1518. Chestnut, S. Johnston, A. I., 2009. Is China Rising?. In: E. Paus, P. Prime J. Western, eds. Is China Changing the Rules of the Game. NY: Palgrave Macmillan, pp. 237-260. Eichengreen, B., 2003. The Political Economy of the Smoot-Hawley Tariff. In: J. Frieden D. Lake, eds. International Political Economy: Perspectives on Global Wealth and Power. London: Taylor Francis, pp. 47-59. Grossman, G. Krueger, A., 1991. Environmental Impacts of a North American Free Trade Agreement, Cambridge, MA: National Bureau of Economic Research. Ilkensen, D., 2009. Burning Rubber: Proposed Duties on Chinese Tyres Whiff of Senseless Protectionism. Free Trade Bulletin, Volume 39, pp. 1-4. Ilkensen, D., 2009. No Longer Us Versus Them, London: International Policy Network. Joseph, S., 2013. Blame it on the WTO. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Krasner, S. Webb, M., 1989. Hegemonic Stability Theory: an empirical assessment. Review of International Studies, 15(2), pp. 183-198. Lanoszka, A., 2009. The World Trade Organisation: changing dynamics in the global political economy. London: Lynne Rienner. Scruton, R., 2006. A Political Philosophy. London: Bloomsbury. Stern, D., Common, M. Barbier, E., 1996. Economic Growth and Environmental Dgeradation: The Environmental Kuznets Curve and Sustainable Development. World Development, 24(7), pp. 1151-1160. Stiglitz, J. Charlton, A., 2007. Fair Trade For All. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Subramanian, A., 2007. The WTO Promotes Trade, Strongly but Unevenly. Journal of International Economics, Volume 72, pp. 151-175.

Friday, January 17, 2020

Portia the Control Freak – Merchant of Venice

I would love to write a critical essay about the role of Portia in Shakespeare’s â€Å"Merchant of Venice,† hailing her as one of Shakespeare’s greatest contributions to the society of the sane; however, I find this impossible after re-reading the text. At first, I hung on her every word and was amazed at her wit, but later I found her to be just another Shakespearean psycho. Basically, I understood Portia to be nothing less than an obedient daughter obeying the whims of her dead, over-protective father. She speaks in terms of respect about the coffin ritual, and the reader believes her to be sincere. Later as her character s unfolded, the reader sees a wife in love with the husband who was wise enough to earn her love (and consequently her fortune! ). Beware, gentle reader! Do not fall under the spell of Portia the control freak! The following scenerios must be proof that this woman is not to be trusted! First of all, let’s evaluate the scene where Portia and Bassanio are before the caskets where Bassanio must make his choice. The dialogue directly preceeding the finding of the casket is basic lover’s speech, but wait! Listen carefully to what Portia says: â€Å"If you do love me, you will find me out† (III ii 41). Portia leads Bassanio to elieve that the choice he makes in the caskets is his own. She leads the reader to believe that Bassanio’s love for her is the only force which leads to the discovery of the correct casket. However, earlier when Portia is speaking of the preparations for the casket choice, she speaks of music which is to be played while Bassanio makes his choice. Ok, this seems innocent enough; but examine the song–the first two lines of the song rhyme with lead! It doesn’t take long for the subliminal message to be absorbed in Bassanio’s brain, and the lead casket is chosen. This manipulative device is an indication to me that Portia has a need to make things go her way. She is afraid that Bassanio will make the wrong choice, and therefore assists him. Point #2. Portia creates a way of controlling the future of the relationship between herself and Bassanio. Portia gives Bassanio a ring with the words, â€Å"I give you this ring, which when you part from, lose, or give away, / Let it presage the ruin of your love†. Of course, Bassanio gives away the ring first chance he gets. Portia later makes known that the man he gave the ring to was her, and she proceeds to scold Bassanio for his lack of love. Bassanio is trapped! No matter hat he does for the rest of their relationship, in his mind will remain the idea that Portia is watching! This is a clever device invented by Mr. Shakespeare; however, it does display a certain obsessive, manipulative air about Portia. Hmmmmm†¦. Lastly, I would like to take a venture. I was wondering earlier while reading the â€Å"Merchant of Venice† why Shakespeare used the doppel- ganger technique in his presentation of Nerissa and Portia. Nerissa follows Portia about and makes the same decisions Portia does. Nerissa is not as bright as Portia, and yet she meets the same ultimate fate as Portia. I am wondering if Shakespeare could have used Nerissa to point out the manipulative characteristics of Portia. It is true that one way that manipulative people feed is through weaker people who uphold them and their values. If anyone has any insight on this thought, let me know! Well, there you have it. My true feelings on Portia. Sure she is to be admired in some aspects, but perhaps as all great archetypes she has her foibles and faults. If anyone finds anything about the aforementioned aspects of Portia’s character, please let me know. I have had not luck finding Anything about Portia on the web. Thanks.

Thursday, January 9, 2020

The Character of Claudius in Shakespeares Hamlet Essay

The Character of Claudius in Hamlet As a supporting character in Shakespeare’s play, Hamlet, Claudius is not developed to his full potential. His primary role in the play is to initiate Hamlets confusion and anger, and his subsequent search for truth and lifes meaning. But Claudius is certainly not a static character. While Claudius’ qualities are not as thoroughly explored as Hamlets, the treacherous King of Denmark is a complete character. When we first see Claudius, he strikes us an intelligent and capable ruler. He gives a speech to make his court and country proud, addressing his brothers death and the potential conflict with Norway. Claudius knows that a change in government could ignite civil unrest, and he is afraid†¦show more content†¦Claudius represents the worst in human nature -- lust, greed, corruption, and excess. Claudius and his corrupt court bask in the pleasures of the flesh: The king doth wake tonight and takes his rouse, Keeps wassail, and the swaggering up-spring reels; And as he drains his draughts of Renish down, The kettle-drum and trumpet thus bray out The triumph of his pledge (I.iv.8-12) However, Claudius is not a total sociopath, devoid of moments of guilt and regret. His deeds, on occasion, weigh heavy on his heart: (aside) O, tis true! How smart a lash that speech doth give my conscience! The harlots cheek, beautied with plastering art, Is not more ugly to the thing that helps it Than is my deed to my most painted word: O heavy burden! (III.i.49-53) He tries to ask Gods forgiveness in a moving soliloquy but he realizes that he still reaps all the benefits of his crimes and cannot give them up: My fault is past. But O, what form of prayer Can serve my turn? Forgive me my foul murder? That cannot be, scince I am still possessd Of those effects for which I did the murder, My crown, mine own ambition, and my queen. (III.iv.52-55) Claudius can also be sensitive and gentle. He is genuinely sorry for Polonius death, and he truly loves Gertrude. He must kill Hamlet, but he refuses to do so with his ownShow MoreRelated Hamlet: The Character of Claudius in Shakespeares Hamlet Essay1330 Words   |  6 PagesHamlet: The Character of Claudius  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚   Of all the characters in Shakespeares Hamlet, perhaps the role of Claudius is the most intriguing and crucial. Claudius is the most controversial, the most mysterious and the most talked about character in this play. Many people look at Claudius and only see a villain, but there are additional sides to him that are often overlooked: Claudius the father, the husband, the ruler and the mortal individual. 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Wednesday, January 1, 2020

Research Paper On Mahatma Gandhi - 792 Words

Mahatma Gandhi Intro: Mahatma Gandhi was the primary leader of India’s Independence movement, He was the person who thought about India, and gave all the rights that India deserved, when the great britain took over India. Mahatma Gandhi was born on the 2nd of october, 1869, in a village called porbandar, gujarat, India. Mahatma Gandhi had an early life struggle, he had a south african journey, he created a salt march, he did all of this just for India’s Independence. Mahatma Gandhi’s real name was Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi, but the things that he has done for India, the Indian’s decided to call him Mahatma Gandhi Meaning â€Å"great soul†. Mahatma Gandhi always believed the most in â€Å" Satyagraha† Meaning â€Å"always tell the truth, and do no†¦show more content†¦This was when Mahatma Gandhi thought about the rights that India deserved. Paragraph 3: In 1930, Gandhi returned to active politics to protest the britain’s salt rule. The britains salt rule was no collecting, no selling Meaning that Indians can not collect salt or they can not sell salt, but they have to buy salt from the britains. This is why Gandhi planned a salt march, that could give India the right to collect salt. He planned a March that was a 390-kilometer/240-mile salt march, to the Arabian sea, where he could collect salt. Gandhi started his from a village near the coast called Dandi , he started the march on March the 12th,1930, with dozens of Indian followers. This is what Gandhi believes â€Å"you must be the change, you want to see in the world†. He arrived back in the coastal town Dandi with his walking stick, salt and his Indian followers, He had broke the rule. Paragraph 4: When the salt march was over, approximately 60,000 Indians were jailed for breaking the salt rule, the specially included Gandhi. Gandhi was released from jail in january 1931, and after 2 months later, he had an agreement with lord irwin, who is the former viceroy of india, the agreement was about ending the salt rule, and exchange for concession,and the release of theShow MoreRelatedMahatma Gandhi Research Paper1409 Words   |  6 Pages Mahatma Gandhi was a public figure that led India to their release of Great Britain taxes and rule. Mahatma Gandhi was born October 2, 1869 in Porbandar, India where his mother and father (Karamchand Gandhi and Putlibai Gandhi) raised him into a 6 sibling family. Mahatma Gandhi attended Samaldas Arts College in 1891 as that’s where he got most of the education at the college level. Gandhi had 4 sons with his wife Kasturba Gandhi who was born in 1833 and later passed in 1944. 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